Home      Site Map      Library Copyright Notice      Bulletin Board      Site Search

ORDERS TO KILL -- THE TRUTH BEHIND THE MURDER OF MARTIN LUTHER KING

Chapter 6:  Aftermath:  April 5-18, 1968

ON THE MORNING OF FRIDAY, April 5, President Johnson met with twenty-one civil rights leaders called to Washington from across  the country. He then went to the National Cathedral and attended a memorial service for Dr. King in the midst of the  ongoing insurrection and civil disorder in the capital.

Compared with the spontaneous violence of the night before, Friday in Memphis was relatively calm, as though the city had  spent its anger in one short burst. The situation across the  country was very different. By evening at least forty cities were  in trouble; states of emergency were declared in Washington  D.C., Chicago, Detroit, Pittsburgh, Baltimore, Wilmington, Del-  aware, and Newark.

Within twenty-four hours of the killing, the 30.06 Remington 760 Gamemaster rifle found in the bundle near the scene was  traced, by its serial number, to the Aeromarine Supply Company in Birmingham, Alabama. The manager, Donald Wood,  told investigators that a person named Harvey Lowmeyer had  first bought a .243 Winchester on March 29 and then, strangely  enough, exchanged it for the Remington the next day. On the  rifle was a Redfield 2 x 7 telescopic sight which had been  mounted at Lowmeyer's request.

A pair of binoculars also found in the bundle in front of Canipe's shop was traced by Memphis police to the York Arms  Company, located a few blocks north of the rooming house on  Main Street.

The rifle was packed in a Browning rifle box, along with a Remington Peters cartridge box containing nine 30.06 cartridges -- four military type and five Remington Peters soft  points. The rifle box had been wrapped in a bedspread, along  with a zippered plastic overnight bag containing toiletries, a  pair of pliers, a tack hammer, a portable radio, two cans of  beer, and a section of the April 4 Memphis Commercial Appeal.  In the rifle was an unejected cartridge case.

The Memphis City Council passed a resolution expressing condolences to Dr. King's family and issued a reward of $50,000  for information leading to the capture and conviction of the  assassin. Since the Commercial Appeal and the Press Scimitar had  also each pledged $25,000, the reward offer came to $100,000.

The march scheduled for Monday, April 8, was to go ahead as a memorial to Dr. King, with a rally in front of city hall, subject to the restrictions previously agreed upon and handed  down by judge Bailey Brown. On that cloudy Monday, Dr.  Spock and I joined some forty thousand people, mostly local  blacks, and slowly marched between the ranks of the five thou-  sand National Guardsmen who lined the route from Hernando  Street to City Hall.

Eventually Dr. Spock and I mounted the specially erected platform and joined the family, Ralph Abernathy, and others  who would address the large outpouring of mourners. We went  to Atlanta the next day for the funeral. There were about  100,000 mourners, including Vice Pres. Hubert Humphrey, walking slowly behind a mule-drawn caisson to the campus of  Morehouse College for a service and then on to the burial in  South View Cemetery. Prominent individuals who had increasingly turned their backs on Dr. King when during his last year  he most needed them turned up at his funeral. The hypocrisy  sickened me.

That evening, Robert Kennedy invited a number of us to a gathering in his hotel suite. I did not go-I regarded the senator's politically motivated actions as distasteful. I had long ago  come to expect that from the Kennedys as a result of my previous experience as Robert Kennedy's Westchester County, New  York, citizens chairman during his senatorial campaign in 1964.  (We would learn years later that a less mature Attorney General  Kennedy had given in to Hoover's pressure to permit the wiretapping of Dr. King.)

Negotiations aimed at settling the Memphis sanitation workers' strike would soon resume under intense presidential pres-  sure for a settlement. An agreement was reached on April 16: the  union was recognized and a pay raise was agreed to, as were the  procedures for a dues checkoff through the Public Workers Federal Credit Union. The strike had lasted sixty-five days.

***

ON APRIL 10, Mrs. john Riley, in apartment 492 of the Capitol Homes Housing Project in Atlanta, telephoned the local FBI  field office to report a Mustang that had been left in a small parking space near her building. She described it as white with  a 1968 Alabama plate in the back and two Mexican tourist  stickers on the windshield. She had heard that the police were  looking for a man driving a white Mustang in connection with  the killing of Dr. King. The Mustang, she reported, had been  parked in that space since April 5.

A quick check showed that the car was registered in the name of Eric S. Galt, 2608 South Highland Avenue, Birmingham. The  ashtray was overflowing with cigarette butts and ashes.

On April 12, the Miami FBI office issued and then immediately withdrew a statewide police bulletin calling for the location -- though not the apprehension-of one Eric Starvo GaIt.

A handwriting comparison indicated that Galt was also the man calling himself Harvey Lowmeyer who bought the rifle at the Aeromarine store in Birmingham. An analysis of fibers  found in the trunk of the Mustang matched those on the pillow  and sheets in room 5B of the rooming house rented by John Willard on April 4.

From interviews with acquaintances of Galt, the FBI learned that he had attended the International School of Bartending  on Sunset Boulevard in Los Angeles. Tomas Reyes Lau, its director, provided a photograph of the man. Money orders  cashed in the Los Angeles area, found to have been bought at  the Bank of America by Eric S. Galt, were made out to the  Locksmithing Institute of Bloomfield, New Jersey. The records  of that institute showed that Galt had been receiving lessons  by mail beginning in Montreal on July 17,1967, with the latest  lesson having been sent to 113 14th Street, Atlanta.

Local FBI agents descended on those premises on April 16. Learning that Galt still had ground-floor room number 2, they  established physical surveillance for twenty-four hours. Author Gerold Frank maintained that when no one appeared, two  agents acting under instruction from Cartha DeLooach, the  FBI's assistant director in Washington, disguised themselves as hippies and rented a room adjoining No. 2 from James Garner,  the landlord.5 The connecting door was padlocked from the  other side, so, according to Frank, DeLoach gave instructions  to take the door off the hinges to get in (DeLoach has denied this). Thus, they obtained-possibly illegally because no warrant  had been issued-a variety of items from the room, including a map of Atlanta with a clear left thumb print. Someone -- apparently J. Edgar Hoover himself-suggested that the available  fingerprints be compared against the prints of white men,  under fifty, wanted by the police-the fugitive file. There were  reportedly fifty-three thousand sets of prints in this category.

On April 17, the Birmingham FBI office sought a federal fugitive warrant for Eric Starvo Galt pursuant to an indictment  charging a conspiracy to violate Dr. King's civil rights.

Beginning on the morning of April 18, the FBI specialists undertook the task of fingerprint comparison; by the next  morning, the seven hundredth card matched. It belonged to a  fugitive from a Missouri penitentiary. His name was James Earl  Ray. It was clear: Galt and Ray were the same man.

Go to Next Page