Section 3.
Plato's account of the soul is partly mythical or
figurative, and partly literal. Not that either he or we can draw a line
between them, or say, 'This is poetry, this is philosophy'; for the
transition from the one to the other is imperceptible. Neither must we
expect to find in him absolute consistency. He is apt to pass from one
level or stage of thought to another without always making it apparent
that he is changing his ground. In such passages we have to interpret
his meaning by the general spirit of his writings. To reconcile his
inconsistencies would be contrary to the first principles of criticism
and fatal to any true understanding of him.
There is a further difficulty in explaining this part
of the Timaeus—the natural order of thought is inverted. We begin with
the most abstract, and proceed from the abstract to the concrete. We are
searching into things which are upon the utmost limit of human
intelligence, and then of a sudden we fall rather heavily to the earth.
There are no intermediate steps which lead from one to the other. But
the abstract is a vacant form to us until brought into relation with man
and nature. God and the world are mere names, like the Being of the
Eleatics, unless some human qualities are added on to them. Yet the
negation has a kind of unknown meaning to us. The priority of God and of
the world, which he is imagined to have created, to all other
existences, gives a solemn awe to them. And as in other systems of
theology and philosophy, that of which we know least has the greatest
interest to us.
There is no use in attempting to define or explain the
first God in the Platonic system, who has sometimes been thought to
answer to God the Father; or the world, in whom the Fathers of the
Church seemed to recognize 'the firstborn of every creature.' Nor need
we discuss at length how far Plato agrees in the later Jewish idea of
creation, according to which God made the world out of nothing. For his
original conception of matter as something which has no qualities is
really a negation. Moreover in the Hebrew Scriptures the creation of the
world is described, even more explicitly than in the Timaeus, not as a
single act, but as a work or process which occupied six days. There is a
chaos in both, and it would be untrue to say that the Greek, any more
than the Hebrew, had any definite belief in the eternal existence of
matter. The beginning of things vanished into the distance. The real
creation began, not with matter, but with ideas. According to Plato in
the Timaeus, God took of the same and the other, of the divided and
undivided, of the finite and infinite, and made essence, and out of the
three combined created the soul of the world. To the soul he added a
body formed out of the four elements. The general meaning of these words
is that God imparted determinations of thought, or, as we might say,
gave law and variety to the material universe. The elements are moving
in a disorderly manner before the work of creation begins; and there is
an eternal pattern of the world, which, like the 'idea of good,' is not
the Creator himself, but not separable from him. The pattern too, though
eternal, is a creation, a world of thought prior to the world of sense,
which may be compared to the wisdom of God in the book of Ecclesiasticus,
or to the 'God in the form of a globe' of the old Eleatic philosophers.
The visible, which already exists, is fashioned in the likeness of this
eternal pattern. On the other hand, there is no truth of which Plato is
more firmly convinced than of the priority of the soul to the body, both
in the universe and in man. So inconsistent are the forms in which he
describes the works which no tongue can utter—his language, as he
himself says, partaking of his own uncertainty about the things of which
he is speaking.
We may remark in passing, that the Platonic compared
with the Jewish description of the process of creation has less of
freedom or spontaneity. The Creator in Plato is still subject to a
remnant of necessity which he cannot wholly overcome. When his work is
accomplished he remains in his own nature. Plato is more sensible than
the Hebrew prophet of the existence of evil, which he seeks to put as
far as possible out of the way of God. And he can only suppose this to
be accomplished by God retiring into himself and committing the lesser
works of creation to inferior powers. (Compare, however, Laws for
another solution of the difficulty.)
Nor can we attach any intelligible meaning to his
words when he speaks of the visible being in the image of the invisible.
For how can that which is divided be like that which is undivided? Or
that which is changing be the copy of that which is unchanging? All the
old difficulties about the ideas come back upon us in an altered form.
We can imagine two worlds, one of which is the mere double of the other,
or one of which is an imperfect copy of the other, or one of which is
the vanishing ideal of the other; but we cannot imagine an intellectual
world which has no qualities—'a thing in itself'—a point which has no
parts or magnitude, which is nowhere, and nothing. This cannot be the
archetype according to which God made the world, and is in reality,
whether in Plato or in Kant, a mere negative residuum of human thought.
There is another aspect of the same difficulty which
appears to have no satisfactory solution. In what relation does the
archetype stand to the Creator himself? For the idea or pattern of the
world is not the thought of God, but a separate, self-existent nature,
of which creation is the copy. We can only reply, (1) that to the mind
of Plato subject and object were not yet distinguished; (2) that he
supposes the process of creation to take place in accordance with his
own theory of ideas; and as we cannot give a consistent account of the
one, neither can we of the other. He means (3) to say that the creation
of the world is not a material process of working with legs and arms,
but ideal and intellectual; according to his own fine expression, 'the
thought of God made the God that was to be.' He means (4) to draw an
absolute distinction between the invisible or unchangeable which is or
is the place of mind or being, and the world of sense or becoming which
is visible and changing. He means (5) that the idea of the world is
prior to the world, just as the other ideas are prior to sensible
objects; and like them may be regarded as eternal and self-existent, and
also, like the IDEA of good, may be viewed apart from the divine mind.
There are several other questions which we might ask
and which can receive no answer, or at least only an answer of the same
kind as the preceding. How can matter be conceived to exist without
form? Or, how can the essences or forms of things be distinguished from
the eternal ideas, or essence itself from the soul? Or, how could there
have been motion in the chaos when as yet time was not? Or, how did
chaos come into existence, if not by the will of the Creator? Or, how
could there have been a time when the world was not, if time was not?
Or, how could the Creator have taken portions of an indivisible same?
Or, how could space or anything else have been eternal when time is only
created? Or, how could the surfaces of geometrical figures have formed
solids? We must reply again that we cannot follow Plato in all his
inconsistencies, but that the gaps of thought are probably more apparent
to us than to him. He would, perhaps, have said that 'the first things
are known only to God and to him of men whom God loves.' How often have
the gaps in Theology been concealed from the eye of faith! And we may
say that only by an effort of metaphysical imagination can we hope to
understand Plato from his own point of view; we must not ask for
consistency. Everywhere we find traces of the Platonic theory of
knowledge expressed in an objective form, which by us has to be
translated into the subjective, before we can attach any meaning to it.
And this theory is exhibited in so many different points of view, that
we cannot with any certainty interpret one dialogue by another; e.g. the
Timaeus by the Parmenides or Phaedrus or Philebus.
The soul of the world may also be conceived as the
personification of the numbers and figures in which the heavenly bodies
move. Imagine these as in a Pythagorean dream, stripped of qualitative
difference and reduced to mathematical abstractions. They too conform to
the principle of the same, and may be compared with the modern
conception of laws of nature. They are in space, but not in time, and
they are the makers of time. They are represented as constantly thinking
of the same; for thought in the view of Plato is equivalent to truth or
law, and need not imply a human consciousness, a conception which is
familiar enough to us, but has no place, hardly even a name, in ancient
Greek philosophy. To this principle of the same is opposed the principle
of the other—the principle of irregularity and disorder, of necessity
and chance, which is only partially impressed by mathematical laws and
figures. (We may observe by the way, that the principle of the other,
which is the principle of plurality and variation in the Timaeus, has
nothing in common with the 'other' of the Sophist, which is the
principle of determination.) The element of the same dominates to a
certain extent over the other—the fixed stars keep the 'wanderers' of
the inner circle in their courses, and a similar principle of fixedness
or order appears to regulate the bodily constitution of man. But there
still remains a rebellious seed of evil derived from the original chaos,
which is the source of disorder in the world, and of vice and disease in
man.
But what did Plato mean by essence, (Greek), which is
the intermediate nature compounded of the Same and the Other, and out of
which, together with these two, the soul of the world is created? It is
difficult to explain a process of thought so strange and unaccustomed to
us, in which modern distinctions run into one another and are lost sight
of. First, let us consider once more the meaning of the Same and the
Other. The Same is the unchanging and indivisible, the heaven of the
fixed stars, partaking of the divine nature, which, having law in
itself, gives law to all besides and is the element of order and
permanence in man and on the earth. It is the rational principle, mind
regarded as a work, as creation—not as the creator. The old tradition of
Parmenides and of the Eleatic Being, the foundation of so much in the
philosophy of Greece and of the world, was lingering in Plato's mind.
The Other is the variable or changing element, the residuum of disorder
or chaos, which cannot be reduced to order, nor altogether banished, the
source of evil, seen in the errors of man and also in the wanderings of
the planets, a necessity which protrudes through nature. Of this too
there was a shadow in the Eleatic philosophy in the realm of opinion,
which, like a mist, seemed to darken the purity of truth in itself.—So
far the words of Plato may perhaps find an intelligible meaning. But
when he goes on to speak of the Essence which is compounded out of both,
the track becomes fainter and we can only follow him with hesitating
steps. But still we find a trace reappearing of the teaching of
Anaxagoras: 'All was confusion, and then mind came and arranged things.'
We have already remarked that Plato was not acquainted with the modern
distinction of subject and object, and therefore he sometimes confuses
mind and the things of mind—(Greek) and (Greek). By (Greek) he clearly
means some conception of the intelligible and the intelligent; it
belongs to the class of (Greek). Matter, being, the Same, the
eternal,—for any of these terms, being almost vacant of meaning, is
equally suitable to express indefinite existence,—are compared or united
with the Other or Diverse, and out of the union or comparison is
elicited the idea of intelligence, the 'One in many,' brighter than any
Promethean fire (Phil.), which co-existing with them and so forming a
new existence, is or becomes the intelligible world...So we may perhaps
venture to paraphrase or interpret or put into other words the parable
in which Plato has wrapped up his conception of the creation of the
world. The explanation may help to fill up with figures of speech the
void of knowledge.
The entire compound was divided by the Creator in
certain proportions and reunited; it was then cut into two strips, which
were bent into an inner circle and an outer, both moving with an uniform
motion around a centre, the outer circle containing the fixed, the inner
the wandering stars. The soul of the world was diffused everywhere from
the centre to the circumference. To this God gave a body, consisting at
first of fire and earth, and afterwards receiving an addition of air and
water; because solid bodies, like the world, are always connected by two
middle terms and not by one. The world was made in the form of a globe,
and all the material elements were exhausted in the work of creation.
The proportions in which the soul of the world as well
as the human soul is divided answer to a series of numbers 1, 2, 3, 4,
9, 8, 27, composed of the two Pythagorean progressions 1, 2, 4, 8 and 1,
3, 9, 27, of which the number 1 represents a point, 2 and 3 lines, 4 and
8, 9 and 27 the squares and cubes respectively of 2 and 3. This series,
of which the intervals are afterwards filled up, probably represents (1)
the diatonic scale according to the Pythagoreans and Plato; (2) the
order and distances of the heavenly bodies; and (3) may possibly contain
an allusion to the music of the spheres, which is referred to in the
myth at the end of the Republic. The meaning of the words that 'solid
bodies are always connected by two middle terms' or mean proportionals
has been much disputed. The most received explanation is that of Martin,
who supposes that Plato is only speaking of surfaces and solids
compounded of prime numbers (i.e. of numbers not made up of two factors,
or, in other words, only measurable by unity). The square of any such
number represents a surface, the cube a solid. The squares of any two
such numbers (e.g. 2 squared, 3 squared = 4, 9), have always a single
mean proportional (e.g. 4 and 9 have the single mean 6), whereas the
cubes of primes (e.g. 3 cubed and 5 cubed) have always two mean
proportionals (e.g. 27:45:75:125). But to this explanation of Martin's
it may be objected, (1) that Plato nowhere says that his proportion is
to be limited to prime numbers; (2) that the limitation of surfaces to
squares is also not to be found in his words; nor (3) is there any
evidence to show that the distinction of prime from other numbers was
known to him. What Plato chiefly intends to express is that a solid
requires a stronger bond than a surface; and that the double bond which
is given by two means is stronger than the single bond given by one.
Having reflected on the singular numerical phenomena of the existence of
one mean proportional between two square numbers are rather perhaps only
between the two lowest squares; and of two mean proportionals between
two cubes, perhaps again confining his attention to the two lowest
cubes, he finds in the latter symbol an expression of the relation of
the elements, as in the former an image of the combination of two
surfaces. Between fire and earth, the two extremes, he remarks that
there are introduced, not one, but two elements, air and water, which
are compared to the two mean proportionals between two cube numbers. The
vagueness of his language does not allow us to determine whether
anything more than this was intended by him.
Leaving the further explanation of details, which the
reader will find discussed at length in Boeckh and Martin, we may now
return to the main argument: Why did God make the world? Like man, he
must have a purpose; and his purpose is the diffusion of that goodness
or good which he himself is. The term 'goodness' is not to be understood
in this passage as meaning benevolence or love, in the Christian sense
of the term, but rather law, order, harmony, like the idea of good in
the Republic. The ancient mythologers, and even the Hebrew prophets, had
spoken of the jealousy of God; and the Greek had imagined that there was
a Nemesis always attending the prosperity of mortals. But Plato delights
to think of God as the author of order in his works, who, like a father,
lives over again in his children, and can never have too much of good or
friendship among his creatures. Only, as there is a certain remnant of
evil inherent in matter which he cannot get rid of, he detaches himself
from them and leaves them to themselves, that he may be guiltless of
their faults and sufferings.
Between the ideal and the sensible Plato interposes
the two natures of time and space. Time is conceived by him to be only
the shadow or image of eternity which ever is and never has been or will
be, but is described in a figure only as past or future. This is one of
the great thoughts of early philosophy, which are still as difficult to
our minds as they were to the early thinkers; or perhaps more difficult,
because we more distinctly see the consequences which are involved in
such an hypothesis. All the objections which may be urged against Kant's
doctrine of the ideality of space and time at once press upon us. If
time is unreal, then all which is contained in time is unreal—the
succession of human thoughts as well as the flux of sensations; there is
no connecting link between (Greek) and (Greek). Yet, on the other hand,
we are conscious that knowledge is independent of time, that truth is
not a thing of yesterday or tomorrow, but an 'eternal now.' To the
'spectator of all time and all existence' the universe remains at rest.
The truths of geometry and arithmetic in all their combinations are
always the same. The generations of men, like the leaves of the forest,
come and go, but the mathematical laws by which the world is governed
remain, and seem as if they could never change. The ever-present image
of space is transferred to time—succession is conceived as extension.
(We remark that Plato does away with the above and below in space, as he
has done away with the absolute existence of past and future.) The
course of time, unless regularly marked by divisions of number, partakes
of the indefiniteness of the Heraclitean flux. By such reflections we
may conceive the Greek to have attained the metaphysical conception of
eternity, which to the Hebrew was gained by meditation on the Divine
Being. No one saw that this objective was really a subjective, and
involved the subjectivity of all knowledge. 'Non in tempore sed cum
tempore finxit Deus mundum,' says St. Augustine, repeating a thought
derived from the Timaeus, but apparently unconscious of the results to
which his doctrine would have led.
The contradictions involved in the conception of time
or motion, like the infinitesimal in space, were a source of perplexity
to the mind of the Greek, who was driven to find a point of view above
or beyond them. They had sprung up in the decline of the Eleatic
philosophy and were very familiar to Plato, as we gather from the
Parmenides. The consciousness of them had led the great Eleatic
philosopher to describe the nature of God or Being under negatives. He
sings of 'Being unbegotten and imperishable, unmoved and never-ending,
which never was nor will be, but always is, one and continuous, which
cannot spring from any other; for it cannot be said or imagined not to
be.' The idea of eternity was for a great part a negation. There are
regions of speculation in which the negative is hardly separable from
the positive, and even seems to pass into it. Not only Buddhism, but
Greek as well as Christian philosophy, show that it is quite possible
that the human mind should retain an enthusiasm for mere negations. In
different ages and countries there have been forms of light in which
nothing could be discerned and which have nevertheless exercised a
life-giving and illumining power. For the higher intelligence of man
seems to require, not only something above sense, but above knowledge,
which can only be described as Mind or Being or Truth or God or the
unchangeable and eternal element, in the expression of which all
predicates fail and fall short. Eternity or the eternal is not merely
the unlimited in time but the truest of all Being, the most real of all
realities, the most certain of all knowledge, which we nevertheless only
see through a glass darkly. The passionate earnestness of Parmenides
contrasts with the vacuity of the thought which he is revolving in his
mind.
Space is said by Plato to be the 'containing vessel or
nurse of generation.' Reflecting on the simplest kinds of external
objects, which to the ancients were the four elements, he was led to a
more general notion of a substance, more or less like themselves, out of
which they were fashioned. He would not have them too precisely
distinguished. Thus seems to have arisen the first dim perception of
(Greek) or matter, which has played so great a part in the metaphysical
philosophy of Aristotle and his followers. But besides the material out
of which the elements are made, there is also a space in which they are
contained. There arises thus a second nature which the senses are
incapable of discerning and which can hardly be referred to the
intelligible class. For it is and it is not, it is nowhere when filled,
it is nothing when empty. Hence it is said to be discerned by a kind of
spurious or analogous reason, partaking so feebly of existence as to be
hardly perceivable, yet always reappearing as the containing mother or
nurse of all things. It had not that sort of consistency to Plato which
has been given to it in modern times by geometry and metaphysics.
Neither of the Greek words by which it is described are so purely
abstract as the English word 'space' or the Latin 'spatium.' Neither
Plato nor any other Greek would have spoken of (Greek) or (Greek) in the
same manner as we speak of 'time' and 'space.'
Yet space is also of a very permanent or even eternal
nature; and Plato seems more willing to admit of the unreality of time
than of the unreality of space; because, as he says, all things must
necessarily exist in space. We, on the other hand, are disposed to fancy
that even if space were annihilated time might still survive. He admits
indeed that our knowledge of space is of a dreamy kind, and is given by
a spurious reason without the help of sense. (Compare the hypotheses and
images of Rep.) It is true that it does not attain to the clearness of
ideas. But like them it seems to remain, even if all the objects
contained in it are supposed to have vanished away. Hence it was natural
for Plato to conceive of it as eternal. We must remember further that in
his attempt to realize either space or matter the two abstract ideas of
weight and extension, which are familiar to us, had never passed before
his mind.
Thus far God, working according to an eternal pattern,
out of his goodness has created the same, the other, and the essence
(compare the three principles of the Philebus—the finite, the infinite,
and the union of the two), and out of them has formed the outer circle
of the fixed stars and the inner circle of the planets, divided
according to certain musical intervals; he has also created time, the
moving image of eternity, and space, existing by a sort of necessity and
hardly distinguishable from matter. The matter out of which the world is
formed is not absolutely void, but retains in the chaos certain germs or
traces of the elements. These Plato, like Empedocles, supposed to be
four in number—fire, air, earth, and water. They were at first mixed
together; but already in the chaos, before God fashioned them by form
and number, the greater masses of the elements had an appointed place.
Into the confusion (Greek) which preceded Plato does not attempt further
to penetrate. They are called elements, but they are so far from being
elements (Greek) or letters in the higher sense that they are not even
syllables or first compounds. The real elements are two triangles, the
rectangular isosceles which has but one form, and the most beautiful of
the many forms of scalene, which is half of an equilateral triangle. By
the combination of these triangles which exist in an infinite variety of
sizes, the surfaces of the four elements are constructed.
That there were only five regular solids was already
known to the ancients, and out of the surfaces which he has formed Plato
proceeds to generate the four first of the five. He perhaps forgets that
he is only putting together surfaces and has not provided for their
transformation into solids. The first solid is a regular pyramid, of
which the base and sides are formed by four equilateral or twenty-four
scalene triangles. Each of the four solid angles in this figure is a
little larger than the largest of obtuse angles. The second solid is
composed of the same triangles, which unite as eight equilateral
triangles, and make one solid angle out of four plane angles—six of
these angles form a regular octahedron. The third solid is a regular
icosahedron, having twenty triangular equilateral bases, and therefore
120 rectangular scalene triangles. The fourth regular solid, or cube, is
formed by the combination of four isosceles triangles into one square
and of six squares into a cube. The fifth regular solid, or
dodecahedron, cannot be formed by a combination of either of these
triangles, but each of its faces may be regarded as composed of thirty
triangles of another kind. Probably Plato notices this as the only
remaining regular polyhedron, which from its approximation to a globe,
and possibly because, as Plutarch remarks, it is composed of 12 x 30 =
360 scalene triangles (Platon. Quaest.), representing thus the signs and
degrees of the Zodiac, as well as the months and days of the year, God
may be said to have 'used in the delineation of the universe.' According
to Plato earth was composed of cubes, fire of regular pyramids, air of
regular octahedrons, water of regular icosahedrons. The stability of the
last three increases with the number of their sides.
The elements are supposed to pass into one another,
but we must remember that these transformations are not the
transformations of real solids, but of imaginary geometrical figures; in
other words, we are composing and decomposing the faces of substances
and not the substances themselves—it is a house of cards which we are
pulling to pieces and putting together again (compare however Laws). Yet
perhaps Plato may regard these sides or faces as only the forms which
are impressed on pre-existent matter. It is remarkable that he should
speak of each of these solids as a possible world in itself, though upon
the whole he inclines to the opinion that they form one world and not
five. To suppose that there is an infinite number of worlds, as
Democritus (Hippolyt. Ref. Haer. I.) had said, would be, as he
satirically observes, 'the characteristic of a very indefinite and
ignorant mind.'
The twenty triangular faces of an icosahedron form the
faces or sides of two regular octahedrons and of a regular pyramid (20 =
8 x 2 + 4); and therefore, according to Plato, a particle of water when
decomposed is supposed to give two particles of air and one of fire. So
because an octahedron gives the sides of two pyramids (8 = 4 x 2), a
particle of air is resolved into two particles of fire.
The transformation is effected by the superior power
or number of the conquering elements. The manner of the change is (1) a
separation of portions of the elements from the masses in which they are
collected; (2) a resolution of them into their original triangles; and
(3) a reunion of them in new forms. Plato himself proposes the question,
Why does motion continue at all when the elements are settled in their
places? He answers that although the force of attraction is continually
drawing similar elements to the same spot, still the revolution of the
universe exercises a condensing power, and thrusts them again out of
their natural places. Thus want of uniformity, the condition of motion,
is produced. In all such disturbances of matter there is an alternative
for the weaker element: it may escape to its kindred, or take the form
of the stronger—becoming denser, if it be denser, or rarer if rarer.
This is true of fire, air, and water, which, being composed of similar
triangles, are interchangeable; earth, however, which has triangles
peculiar to itself, is capable of dissolution, but not of change. Of the
interchangeable elements, fire, the rarest, can only become a denser,
and water, the densest, only a rarer: but air may become a denser or a
rarer. No single particle of the elements is visible, but only the
aggregates of them are seen. The subordinate species depend, not upon
differences of form in the original triangles, but upon differences of
size. The obvious physical phenomena from which Plato has gathered his
views of the relations of the elements seem to be the effect of fire
upon air, water, and earth, and the effect of water upon earth. The
particles are supposed by him to be in a perpetual process of
circulation caused by inequality. This process of circulation does not
admit of a vacuum, as he tells us in his strange account of respiration.
Of the phenomena of light and heavy he speaks
afterwards, when treating of sensation, but they may be more
conveniently considered by us in this place. They are not, he says, to
be explained by 'above' and 'below,' which in the universal globe have
no existence, but by the attraction of similars towards the great masses
of similar substances; fire to fire, air to air, water to water, earth
to earth. Plato's doctrine of attraction implies not only (1) the
attraction of similar elements to one another, but also (2) of smaller
bodies to larger ones. Had he confined himself to the latter he would
have arrived, though, perhaps, without any further result or any sense
of the greatness of the discovery, at the modern doctrine of
gravitation. He does not observe that water has an equal tendency
towards both water and earth. So easily did the most obvious facts which
were inconsistent with his theories escape him.
The general physical doctrines of the Timaeus may be
summed up as follows: (1) Plato supposes the greater masses of the
elements to have been already settled in their places at the creation:
(2) they are four in number, and are formed of rectangular triangles
variously combined into regular solid figures: (3) three of them, fire,
air, and water, admit of transformation into one another; the fourth,
earth, cannot be similarly transformed: (4) different sizes of the same
triangles form the lesser species of each element: (5) there is an
attraction of like to like—smaller masses of the same kind being drawn
towards greater: (6) there is no void, but the particles of matter are
ever pushing one another round and round (Greek). Like the atomists,
Plato attributes the differences between the elements to differences in
geometrical figures. But he does not explain the process by which
surfaces become solids; and he characteristically ridicules Democritus
for not seeing that the worlds are finite and not infinite.
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